{"id":2872,"date":"2026-06-05T16:16:18","date_gmt":"2026-06-05T14:16:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/?page_id=2872"},"modified":"2026-06-23T09:32:11","modified_gmt":"2026-06-23T07:32:11","slug":"the-contrasting-reception-of-narratives-of-transfuges-de-classe-among-individuals-experiencing-upward-social-mobility-no-4","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/the-contrasting-reception-of-narratives-of-transfuges-de-classe-among-individuals-experiencing-upward-social-mobility-no-4\/","title":{"rendered":"Reading Narratives of Transfuges de Classe"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t
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\u00a0Reception and Identification Among Individuals Experiencing Upward Social Mobility<\/span><\/em><\/p><\/div>

Lucas Pontzeele <\/strong><\/span><\/p>

\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

In recent years, autobiographical accounts by transfuges de classe<\/em> have seen a considerable surge in popularity in France and abroad. Part of their publishing success is probably due to the way authors describe the psychosocial violence generated by their experiences of upward social mobility. Indeed, the narrative structure relies in particular on the unveiling of their private lives, which facilitates readers\u2019 compassion and even identification with these narratives (Florimond-Clerc & Gabrysiak, 2025). Nevertheless, when examining the best-known works, namely those of Annie Ernaux, \u00c9douard Louis, and Didier Eribon, a relatively homogeneous representation of the experience of upward social mobility emerges. This experience is often presented as a painful process, associated with \u201cuprooting.\u201d This reading remains fairly faithful to that proposed by Richard Hoggart in his book The<\/em> Uses of Literacy<\/em>, in which he portrays \u201canxious\u201d and \u201cuprooted\u201d individuals (1957, p. 238). This uprooting is said to stem from a \u201cdivide\u201d caused by the acquisition of a scholarly culture transmitted through school, which is foreign to the family environment. However, as Olivier Schwartz and Paul Pasquali (2016) point out, the \u201cHoggartian\u201d model should be handled with caution, as it can prove reductive in understanding social mobility, which is in reality highly diverse.<\/span>
Given the variety of paths to social mobility, it is worth asking how people in the process of social ascension receive these narratives, which highlight only one facet of this social phenomenon. From this perspective, this article examines how individuals undergoing upward social mobility internalize (or don’t) these narratives: do they subscribe to the authors\u2019 perspectives? How does their reception reveal the diversity of trajectories and ways of understanding them? To answer these questions, this text draws on a study of the reception of narratives of transfuges de classe<\/em> by individuals aged 22 to 30 from modest backgrounds who are graduates of prestigious French universities and grandes \u00e9coles<\/em>. This data was collected as part of a doctoral dissertation on the role of cultural practices in contemporary upward social mobility; the dissertation is based on approximately fifty biographical interviews. As not all respondents were familiar with the works of the three authors cited, the article focuses primarily on those who have read them. Nevertheless, the focus on non-readers helps to situate the practice socially: the majority of readers had studied social sciences (notably at the \u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure and Sciences Po), whereas non-readers tend to come from economic and technical field (business, engineering, and medicine).<\/span><\/p>

Family breakdown as a factor of identification<\/span><\/strong><\/p>

One of the study first findings shows that the more readers are detached or even estranged from their background, the more profoundly they connect with the narratives of transfuges de classe<\/em>. This observation is hardly surprising, given that the authors themselves describe a progressive, and sometimes painful, distancing from their family sphere over the course of their careers. Thus, we observe that the more the respondents\u2019 experiences resemble those of the authors, the more they identify with them (L\u00e9vy, 2015). Like the writers, they are devoted to the school system, which appears as a space for empowerment, legitimization, and, ultimately, emancipation from their original social milieu. This finding aligns with that of Isabelle Charpentier (2009), who, in her analysis of letters addressed to Annie Ernaux, shows that nearly all of the senders are in fact \u201cupwardly mobile [\u2026] holders of cultural capital acquired through schooling\u201d [1] (p. 23). Overinvestment in academic and mainstream culture during childhood and adolescence appears to be a way of justifying and compensating for the transgression of the norms of one\u2019s social background. Annie Ernaux perfectly describes how school and reading helped her envision a future beyond the roles assigned to women of her social class, while still meeting her parents\u2019 expectations through academic success. In parallel, \u00c9douard Louis and Didier Eribon describe how their homosexuality and femininity were largely punished by their family environments (Lucca, 2022). Integrating into the cultural domain of the upper classes was for them a way to escape the constant reminder of gender norms.<\/span>
It is therefore unsurprising to find that agreement with the narratives is particularly strong in the gay men of the sample. This is particularly true of Sacha – a graduate of the \u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure de Lyon, an agr\u00e9g\u00e9<\/em> in history, and a high school instructor – whose expression of his femininity and homosexuality was restricted by his father, who was hostile to any transgression of gender norms. The rupture with his family only deepened after he discovered his parents had voted for the far right. Reading social science books and narratives by transfuges de classe<\/em> helped him contemplate his own path: \u201cAt that point, I started to read for myself, without forcing myself. I found readings that resonated with me, that helped me to reflect. I was going through something powerful; it stirred up a lot of emotions.\u201d<\/em> These readings also served as a way for him to justify distancing himself from his family: \u201cI\u2019ve always liked the writings of people who criticize their families because, exactly, it makes me feel like we have the right to do so!\u201d<\/em> He ventures, however, some reservations about \u00c9douard Louis, considering his account \u201csometimes a bit exaggerated\u201d<\/em> compared to Annie Ernaux\u2019s, more authentic in his eyes.<\/span><\/p>

Narratives as tools for appeasing family ties <\/span><\/strong><\/p>

While these stories can contribute to the weakening of family bonds, they can also help to appease them (Charpentier, 2009). This is particularly true in the case of Arthur – a graduate of the \u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure de Lyon and a doctoral student in sociology – who encouraged his mother to read Didier Eribon\u2019s Retour \u00e0 Reims <\/em>[Returning to Reims]: \u201cShe didn\u2019t understand everything, but that\u2019s how she became interested in sociology. So when I abandoned the idea of becoming a diplomat, she ended up telling me that being a sociologist was just fine!\u201d<\/em> By sharing this reading, far removed from his mother\u2019s cultural habits, Arthur sought to bridge the cultural capital gap that now separates them: \u201cAfter that, I had her read Annie Ernaux, and she started little by little, reading more and more!\u201d<\/em> This sharing allows Arthur to indirectly convey his feelings regarding the \u201csocial and affective costs\u201d (Lagrave, 2019, p. 691) caused by social mobility. In other cases, it is the parents who use these narratives to (re)establish a connection with their children. This is notably the case for Aur\u00e9lien\u2019s mother – a graduate of the \u00c9cole Polytechnique and a civil engineer – who sought to engage in a discussion about \u00c9douard Louis after hearing him on the radio, to reopen a dialogue about her son\u2019s homosexuality, which remains a taboo within the family: \u201cI was very surprised when she told me about this book [The End of Eddy]. It is, after all, at the intersection of a number of things. If I\u2019d been brave, I would have drawn a parallel with myself, but well\u2026 I didn\u2019t really feel like coming out that day, so I let it slide\u2026\u201d<\/em> Whether the prescription goes one way or the other, sharing a book can induce \u201ca recognition of the other and of oneself as the foundation of all ethics,\u201d to quote Viviane Albenga (2017).<\/span><\/p>

The \u201cmiserabilist\u201d critique of narratives <\/span><\/strong><\/p>

If some of the respondents identify with the narratives, others address sharp criticism towards them. These are primarily readers whose social mobility is motivated by a \u201cparental project\u201d (Gaulejac, 1987). Consequently, they struggle to identify with the figure of the \u201cuprooted\u201d individual, insofar as their paths largely align with the aspirations of their community of origin. Far from breaking with their family sphere, they express a form of solidarity, and even gratitude, toward it. This stance is most evident among racialized people. This observation corroborates the results of numerous studies on migration trajectories in France. For example, Mathieu Ichou and Mathieu Ferry clearly demonstrate how \u201cimmigrant parents have a tendency to transfer their expectations of success onto their children born in the country of immigration\u201d (2025, p. 16). This constitutes a \u201ctransfer of mobility\u201d (Gans, 2009). Consequently, respondents from immigrant backgrounds voice a \u201cmiserabilist\u201d (Passeron & Grignon, 1989) critique of these narratives. This critique consists, at first, of firmly opposing any denigration of their community of origin.<\/span>
This is the case for Yacine – a Sciences Po graduate and an executive at a polling firm – angered by \u00c9douard Louis\u2019s criticism of his family: \u201cWhat he did in his book The End of Eddy, you don\u2019t do that. I find it profoundly immoral to insult the people who raised him, who fed him for 18 years. The guy always had a full plate […] And then to say it\u2019s horrible that they watch soccer on TV, it\u2019s shameful!\u201d<\/em> By denouncing a form of ingratitude on the part of \u00c9douard Louis toward his family, Yacine expresses his attachment to his own. This idea is reinforced when he asserts that he has never left his community of origin, sometimes minimizing the existing social and geographical distance: \u201cMe, my family loves me, I love my family [\u2026] I still speak with a strong P\u00e9rigord accent, and I often go back to the Dordogne.\u201d<\/em> Linked to his miserabilist critique, Yacine also reproaches \u00c9douard Louis for his full assimilation into the cultural sphere of the upper classes: \u201cI find it incredibly arrogant to say that he can no longer talk to his parents because he\u2019s cultured. As if, every day, you\u2019re talking about Shakespeare and the latest translation of Tolstoy that came out from Belles Lettres. It\u2019s absolutely delusional!\u201d<\/em> Thus, for Yacine, reading \u00c9douard Louis constitutes a form of \u201cexternal negation\u201d (Iser, 1978); that is to say, it provokes a moral judgment, translating a different attitude toward upward social mobility.<\/span><\/p>

The \u201cpolitical\u201d critique of narratives<\/span><\/strong><\/p>

Some respondents addressed a \u201cpolitical\u201d critique at the narratives of Eribon, Ernaux, and Louis. This critique can be divided into two main arguments. The first focuses on the meritocratic dimension of the writings: even though the authors seek to denounce social inequalities, they narrate a story of individual success. This paradox, already identified by Karine Abiven and La\u00e9lia V\u00e9ron (2024), is also raised by some of the respondents. This is particularly the case for M\u00e9dina -a graduate of the \u00c9cole normale sup\u00e9rieure de Lyon and a doctoral student in sociology: \u201cIt\u2019s a term that\u2019s actually hyper-meritocratic; I\u2019ve never thought of myself as a <\/em>transfuge – I\u2019m just moving, that\u2019s all! [\u2026] And actually, the framing of the narrative bothers me.\u201d<\/em> She emphasizes here the difference between transfuge de classe<\/em> and social mobility. In fact, the young woman, whose parents did not attend university, rejects the label of transfuge de classe<\/em> for two reasons. First, because she did not struggle with her upward mobility, fulfilling her parents\u2019 aspirations – like the respondents previously mentioned. Thus, the term seems once again to be associated with the idea of a painful class transition. <\/span>
Moreover, she believes that the term encourages a focus on individual experiences at the expense of collective struggles: \u201cI\u2019ve never really talked about my own journey because nobody cares. I was into something more political around class struggle and anti-racism. All of that took precedence over my personal journey.\u201d<\/em> The second argument focuses on the \u201cwhite\u201d dimension of the expression. For M\u00e9dina, it\u2019s difficult to claim it as a racialized woman: \u201cIt\u2019s a white concept. There are places in the social space I\u2019ll never be able to access. So frankly, the concept of a transfuge, if you will, it\u2026 pff\u2026 it doesn\u2019t speak to me.\u201d<\/em> This position aligns with that of Kaoutar Harchi, who asserts that the concept \u201cdenies the social relations of race\u201d (Harchi & Zinzius, 2023), notably because changing one\u2019s social class does not eliminate discrimination based on skin color. Nevertheless, the recent publication of autobiographical accounts by racialized people, such as those by Nesrine Slaoui (2021) or, more recently, Marwan Mohammed (2026), has sparked discussions – particularly in the media – about the \u201cwhiteness\u201d of the term.<\/span><\/p>

Conclusion<\/span><\/strong><\/p>

The varied ways in which individuals on an upward social mobility trajectory receive narratives of transfuges de classe<\/em> reflect the heterogeneity of their life trajectories and the dispositions associated with them. Thus, respondents have different relationships with these works depending on what motivated their upward mobility (escaping their original social milieu or fulfilling parental expectations), a motivation itself shaped by the logics of gender, race, and sexual orientation. A second finding concerns the limited reach of these narratives, as they are read only by respondents belonging to the cultural fraction of the upper classes. Thus, fears [2] regarding the appropriation – or even the political instrumentalization – of these narratives by the economic fraction of the upper classes to promote a meritocratic discourse appear, for the moment, to be limited<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

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Footnotes<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

[1] Primarily civil servants and professors.<\/span><\/p>

[2] See for example: V\u00e9ron, L., and Abiven, K. (2024, April 1).<\/span><\/p>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t

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References<\/strong><\/span><\/p>

  • Albenga, V. (2017) S\u2019\u00e9manciper par la lecture<\/i>. Rennes\u00a0: Presses universitaires de Rennes.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Charpentier, I. (2009) \u201cLes r\u00e9ceptions \u2018ordinaires\u2019 d’une \u00e9criture de la honte sociale : les lecteurs d’Annie Ernaux\u201d, Id\u00e9es \u00e9conomiques et sociales<\/i>, 155 (1), pp. 19-25.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • De Gaulejac, V. (1987) La n\u00e9vrose de classe<\/i>\u202f<\/i>: Trajectoire sociale et conflits d\u2019identit\u00e9<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Hommes et Groupes.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Florimond-Clerc, A. and Gabrysiak, L. (2025) New Romance : Anatomie d\u2019un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne \u00e9ditorial<\/i>. Nancy\u00a0: \u00c9ditions de l\u2019Universit\u00e9 de Lorraine.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Gans, H. J. (2009) \u201cFirst generation decline: Downward mobility among refugees and immigrants\u201d, Ethnic and Racial Studies<\/i>, 32 (9), pp. 1658-1670.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Grignon, C. and Passeron, J.-C. (1989) Le savant et le populaire : Mis\u00e9rabilisme et populisme en sociologie et en litt\u00e9rature<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Le Seuil.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Harchi, K. and Zinzius, L. (2023)\u00a0 \u201cEntretien de Kaoutar Harchi autour du r\u00e9cit Comme nous existons (2021)\u201d, COnTEXTES <\/i>[Online], 33.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Hoggart, R. (1957) The uses of literacy: Aspects of working-class life<\/i>. London: Chatto and Windus.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Ichou, M. and Ferry, M. (2025) \u201cImmigration et mobilit\u00e9 sociale\u202f: Revue de la litt\u00e9rature internationale sur les tendances observ\u00e9es et leurs m\u00e9canismes explicatifs\u201d, L\u2019Ann\u00e9e sociologique<\/i>, 75 (1), pp. 15-40.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Iser, W. (1978) The act of reading: A theory of aesthetic response<\/i>. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Lagrave, R.-M. (2019) \u201cSortir de sa classe ?\u201d in Fondation Copernic (ed.), Manuel indocile de sciences sociales<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: La D\u00e9couverte, pp. 690-699.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • L\u00e9vy, C. (2015) Le roman d’une vie : Les livres de chevet et leurs lecteurs<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Hermann.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Lucca, S. (2022) \u201c\u00c9douard Louis et le genre. \u00c9criture de soi sous influence Queer\u201d in Bertrand, Claisse and Huppe (eds.), R\u00e9armements critiques dans la litt\u00e9rature fran\u00e7aise contemporaine<\/i>. Li\u00e8ge: Presses universitaires de Li\u00e8ge.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • Pasquali, P. and Schwartz, O. (2016) \u201cLa culture du pauvre : un classique revisit\u00e9. Hoggart, les classes populaires et la mobilit\u00e9 sociale\u201d Politix<\/i>, 114 (2), pp. 21-45.\u00a0<\/span><\/p><\/li>

  • V\u00e9ron, L., and Abiven, K. (2024) Trahir et venger : Paradoxes des r\u00e9cits de transfuges de classe<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: La D\u00e9couverte.<\/span><\/p><\/li><\/ul>

    Narratives of transfuges de classe<\/em><\/b><\/span><\/p>

    • Eribon, D. (2009) Retour \u00e0 Reims<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Fayard.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Ernaux, A. (1974) Les armoires vides<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Gallimard.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Ernaux, A. (1981) La femme gel\u00e9e<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Gallimard.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Ernaux, A. (1983) La place<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Gallimard.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Ernaux, A. (1997) La honte<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Gallimard.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Louis, \u00c9. (2014) En finir avec Eddy Bellegueule<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Le Seuil.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Mohammed, M. (2026) C’\u00e9tait pas gagn\u00e9 ! De l’\u00e9chec scolaire au CNRS, histoire d’une remontada<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Le Seuil.<\/span><\/p><\/li>

    • Slaoui, N. (2021) Ill\u00e9gitimes<\/i>. Paris\u00a0: Fayard.<\/span><\/p><\/li><\/ul>\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t

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      \u00a0Reception and Identification Among Individuals Experiencing Upward Social Mobility Lucas Pontzeele \u00a0 In recent years, autobiographical accounts by transfuges de classe have seen a considerable surge in popularity in France […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_EventAllDay":false,"_EventTimezone":"","_EventStartDate":"","_EventEndDate":"","_EventStartDateUTC":"","_EventEndDateUTC":"","_EventShowMap":false,"_EventShowMapLink":false,"_EventURL":"","_EventCost":"","_EventCostDescription":"","_EventCurrencySymbol":"","_EventCurrencyCode":"","_EventCurrencyPosition":"","_EventDateTimeSeparator":"","_EventTimeRangeSeparator":"","_EventOrganizerID":[],"_EventVenueID":[],"_OrganizerEmail":"","_OrganizerPhone":"","_OrganizerWebsite":"","_VenueAddress":"","_VenueCity":"","_VenueCountry":"","_VenueProvince":"","_VenueState":"","_VenueZip":"","_VenuePhone":"","_VenueURL":"","_VenueStateProvince":"","_VenueLat":"","_VenueLng":"","_VenueShowMap":false,"_VenueShowMapLink":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2872","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2872","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2872"}],"version-history":[{"count":30,"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2872\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3497,"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/2872\/revisions\/3497"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/practicalsense.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2872"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}